Durbach, Nadja. The British press meticulously reported upon the movements of the king during his month long visit to London. Can’t you call another time? “Politics and Society.” The Leeds Mercury 4 Aug. 1882: n. pag. : Wilfrid Laurier UP, 1975. 1826 – Eshowe, 8 februari 1884) was van 1872 tot 1879 koning van de Zoeloes en het Zoeloekoninkrijk.Hij was de Zoeloeleider tijdens de Zoeloe-oorlog.. Biografie. He did not ascend to the throne, however, as his father was still alive. Making Empire: Colonial Encounters and the Creation of Imperial Rule in Nineteenth-Century Africa. His name has been transliterated as Cetawayo, Cetewayo, Cetywajo and Ketchwayo. The Anglo-Zulu War along with Cetshwayo’s capture and exile received extensive coverage in the Illustrated London News in 1879. Cetshwayo kaMpande; Photo of Cetshwayo by Alexander Bassano in Old Bond Street, London: Born: circa 1826: Died: 8 February 1884: Other names: Cetawayo, Cetewayo, Cetywajo and Ketchwayo Print. 4. Indeed, this was the case in Thomas Lucas’ 1879 book, The Zulus and the British Frontiers, which had described Cetshwayo specifically in the trope of admirable but safely defeated barbarian, calling him a “Kaffir Caractacus” and even a “savage Owen Glendower” (Lucas 182). He did not ascend to the throne, however, as his father was still alive. Meaning of cetshwayo kampande. Print. Following the close of the war, Cetshwayo ceased to be the threatening barbarian that stood ready to despoil Natal (at least to metropolitan eyes—for the majority of settlers in Natal, Cetshwayo represented ever-present threats of colonial ruin for the rest of his life). oʊ /; Zulu pronunciation: [ǀétʃwajo kámpande]; c. 1826 – 8 February 1884) was the king [a] of the Zulu Kingdom from 1873 to 1879 and its leader during the Anglo-Zulu War of 1879. Reading Empire: Natal, Print, and the Question of Sovereignty, As a prevailing and increasingly accessible technology of information, newspapers and periodicals in late nineteenth-century Britain provide an invaluable window into the multilayered realities of imperial rule and colonial thought. Figure 2: “Restoration of Cetewayo” (_Fun_, 23 Aug. 1882: 79–80), Yet these minstrel-like images of Cetshwayo offer more than simple racist depictions of a foreign leader. c1826–1884. Cetshwayo was certainly aware of the power of the press and its ability to shape imperial discourse. For White, Cetshwayo’s restoration provided both a needed rhetorical salve to the idea of British justice and a practical consideration for pragmatic imperialists. This is most apparent in the satirical periodical Fun’s depiction of the imperial dilemma resulting from Cetshwayo’s visit. Papers dutifully reported that Cetshwayo had travelled with servants, a doctor, and an interpreter, noting that no women accompanied him. Print. Cetshwayo, King of the Zulus (d. 1884), Carl Rudolph Sohn, 1882 - Cetshwayo kaMpande - Wikipedia. Pietermaritzburg: P. Davis and Sons, 1882. The Zulus and the British Frontiers. He is mentioned in John Buchan's novel Prester John. Print. Arguing that “the interests of peace and order in South Africa would be seriously imperiled,” Natal’s legislators voted to pass a formal protest at the idea of Cetshwayo’s Return every year from 1880 to 1883 (Natal [Colony], Debates of the Legislative Council, 1880 Pt. Despite the mild condescension in praising his use of the word “good-bye” as an excellent command of the English language, the press coverage of Cetshwayo’s landing is significant in that it portrays the king as both an arriving dignitary and a celebrity that fascinated the metropole. 11687, citing Nkhandla Forest, Nkandla, King Cetshwayo District Municipality, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa ; … Zulu King Cetshwayo CDV Photo taken during his captivity in the Cape, South Africa and The Zulu War Medal (1879) he issued to dingnitaries. “Queering Natal Settler Logics and the Disruptive Challenge of Zulu Polygamy.” GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 19.2 (2013): 167–189. Zulu king. Throughout the nineteenth century, a vast array of productions within British theaters offered spectators a glimpse of black figures, from abolitionist plays (particularly after the massive popularity of Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin) to the increasing popularity of visiting African performers (notably beginning with the 1811 arrival of Sarah Baartman as the ‘Hottentot Venus’ from the Cape Colony, and continuing throughout the century with Zulu and Xhosa performers). In White’s estimation, Cetshwayo’s civilizational status was irrelevant; whether he be seen as ‘noble’ or ‘barbarous,’ the fact remained that he and his male warriors acquitted themselves bravely on the field of battle, and in so doing, deserved recognition and respect by a British government. To be sent to ev’ry clime, Find the perfect King Cetshwayo stock photos and editorial news pictures from Getty Images. Furthermore, he had a rival half-brother, named uHamu kaNzibe who betrayed the zulu cause on numerous occasions.[4]. —. The Zulu nation recovered by that one supreme effort of their fallen King much of the dignity which had once pertained to them as the noblest native race of Africa, Royal to the last, and at the last more royal than ever,’ &c, &c.(“The Triumph of Cetywayo” 316). In 2016, the King Cetshwayo District Municipality was named after him. . B. Ah! (White, S. Dewe). As Douglas Lorimer has argued, “the minstrel relied as much upon the sympathy as upon the contempt of his audience. Indeed, during Cetshwayo’s previous imprisonment in the Cape Colony, the Illustrated London News offered an image of the king in full European dress being entertained by Scottish musicians (Fig. It also changes the capital of Shaka's Zulu to Kwa-Bulawayo. His other brother, Umthonga, was still a potential rival. conveys no idea to my mind beyond a general stamping, ramping and raving, remarkable (as everything in savage life is) for its dire uniformity.” He also decried that British audiences were “whimpering over [the savage] with maudlin admiration, and the affecting to regret him, and the drawing of any comparison of advantage between the blemishes of civilisation and the tenor of his swinish life” (Qureshi 177-78). (“Very Busy”). In 1856 he defeated and killed in battle his younger brother Mbuyazi, Mpande's favourite, at the Battle of Ndondakusuka. Newspapers and periodicals were where that very imagining occurred. In the 1979 film Zulu Dawn, he was played by Simon Sabela. Discover (and save!) Recognizing the moral claim of Cetshwayo, White urged British accommodation, lest continued instability lead to yet another imperial war in South Africa, something a government stretched thin by engagements in Egypt and Ireland could not possibly consider. Many in the Colonial Office viewed their role, the ostensible protectors of indigenous interests, as acting counter to the wishes of rapacious settlers, and refused to give way, much to settler fury. Cetshwayo was a son of Zulu king Mpande and Queen Ngqumbazi, half-nephew of Zulu king Shaka and grandson of Senzangakhona kaJama. “Cetewayo at the Stake.” Saturday Review of Politics, Literature, Science and Art 26 Aug. 1882: 276–77. They also subverted raced and gendered orders of empire by casting the British conquest as the product of an unrestrained (and therefore unmanly) display of avarice and undercut the racial difference between colonizer and colonized by making the ostensibly barbarous African a stand-in for their own valiant national ancestors.[5]. Cetshwayo kaMpande (/ k ɛ tʃ ˈ w aɪ. Tallie, T. J. Print. [6] As the century wore on, black performers became a particularly lucrative enterprise in metropolitan theaters. While living in Rome after being spared execution, Caractacus is said to have inquired after the endless avarice of the Romans, noting that after all of their magnificence they still desired his people’s humble tents. “Very Busy: A Duet In Black and White.” Fun 2 Aug. 1882: 47–48. Join Facebook to connect with Cetshwayo Kampande and others you may know. Sir Theophilus Shepstone, who annexed the Transvaal for Britain,[5] crowned Cetshwayo in a shoddy, wet affair that was more of a farce than anything else, but turned on the Zulus as he felt he was undermined by Cetshwayo's skilful negotiating for land area compromised by encroaching Boers and the fact that the Boundary Commission established to examine the ownership of the land in question actually ruled in favour of the Zulus. 2013. Print. The minstrel-king and the imperial Englishman offer a final meditation upon the Anglo-Zulu War itself in the closing lines, “We can’t always have our pleasures/For we’ve learned to our regret,/How that military measures/Nice arrangements may upset.” While papers covered both the pageantry and performance of the visit, the cartoon offered by a satirical paper illustrated the central concerns of the king’s visit—how to extricate both imperial and local entanglements caused by colonial military conflicts. He famously led the Zulu nation to victory against the British in the Battle of Isandlwana, but was defeated and exiled following that war. From Wikimedia Commons, the free media repository. Cetshwayo figures in three adventure novels by H. Rider Haggard: The Witch's Head (1885), Black Heart and White Heart (1900) and Finished (1917), and in his non-fiction book Cetywayo and His White Neighbours (1882). Gender and the Victorian Periodical. Both the figure of the exotic Zulu savage and the carefree black minstrel were readily familiar idioms both on the British stage and in print media by the time of Cetshwayo’s 1882 arrival; the showman G. A. Farini attracted mass attention with his spectacles of “Friendly Zulus” in 1879 and “Cetewayo’s Daughters” (a show of African women) in 1882 (Durbach 149–150; on public spectacle, see also Durbach’s BRANCH article, “On the Emergence of the Freak Show in Britain”).[7]. Fraser, Hilary, Stephanie Green, and Judith Johnston. The initial press coverage of Cetshwayo’s trip served to advocate for hierarchical modes of respect for a powerful male leader, in turn reflecting a British self-imagining as an orderly, moral, and highly structured society. Ed. . While Cetshwayo could and did court public opinion in pursuit of his cause, not all reporters were convinced by his display. Thus, to depict Cetshwayo positively as a gracious, engaging, friendly monarch offered a conception of British imperialism that demanded a self-representation as a just and respectable society. While this retreat presented an opportunity for a Zulu counter-attack deep into Natal, Cetshwayo refused to mount such an attack, his intention being to repulse the British without provoking further reprisals. Large numbers of people in the late nineteenth-century metropole read popular texts, and the depictions within them subsequently spread considerably, creating a powerful discursive web that responded to current events and shaped national reactions to them—both on a personal and a political level. When Cetshwayo kaMpande first set foot in London in August 1882, he stepped into broader discussions about empire, race, and masculinity. They are always angry (“Angry South Africa”). The conversation is, therefore, offered as an admission of imperial limits—resources currently overcommitted to other global affairs—as affecting the decisions of British policy. Poor old nigger’s turn at last; While Cetshwayo and his supporters worked through the larger circulations of print media to return the king to power, and settlers on the ground worked to thwart this result, the stakes for Cetshwayo and his visit were about more than a restored kingdom. Print. 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